In the Conservative election platform of 2006, the party promised more openness and transparency in government.
That was then, this is now.
"The Liberal government has consistently rejected attempts to provide Canadians with better access to government information. The present Information Commissioner has gone to court several times to force the government to open its windows," the Conservative platform said.
But a comparison of the flow of information between the 2005-06 fiscal year, which was mostly under Liberal rule, and the 2006-07 fiscal year, which was fully under the Conservative regime, shows the system has been slowing down.
Under the Access to Information Act, all Canadians can ask the government to provide documents on specific issues for an initial payment of $5. The information is supposed to be released within 30 days, but the government can extend the deadline for a number of reasons. It can also use exemptions to black out some of the information that is released.
In 2005-06, the government's access-to-information officers cleared 77.5 per cent of all requests within 60 days. Under the Conservatives, that number dropped almost three points to 74.7 per cent.
The percentage of requests that were met with a full disclosure of information stood at 28.4 per cent in 2005-06. The following year, however, the government started using a greater number of exemptions to censor information. In 2006-07, only 23.1 per cent of requests resulted in the release of unexpurgated documents - a drop of more than five points.
The government is increasingly refusing to release some information by claiming that it would endanger Canada's "international affairs and defence." That exemption was invoked in 14.5 per cent of cases in 2006-07, up from 11.9 per cent two years ago, which explains difficulties in getting documents out of the Department of National Defence.
Globe and Mail columnist Lawrence Martin touched on this in his column today:
Imperious control? Earlier this year, columnist Don Martin discovered the existence of a 200-page Harper committee-control manual. The secret document instructed the PM's committee chairs on how to select party-friendly witnesses, how to set in motion debate-obstructing tactics and, if necessary, storm out of meetings to shut down the proceedings. Tory whip Jay Hill was quoted as admonishing committee chairmen "who prefer to lead through consensus."
While caucus chairs had the aid of a handbook, the Harper government went a step further for the whole caucus: It called in the cops. At the annual caucus meeting in August, the Harperites had the Mounties remove journalists from the Charlottetown hotel lobby so they couldn't ask nettlesome questions.
The cabinet has to be minutely monitored as well. To wit, Mr. Harper dispensed with the traditional practice of revealing dates of cabinet meetings. In this way, ministers don't have to face the press afterward. As it stands, they are allowed less public comment than probably any cabinet in history. Our diplomats are in the same boat. The extent of their gagging is also said to be unprecedented.
Most everyone in the government is supposed to be subjected to the access-to-information law. Evidence suggests the Prime Minister's Office has muscled in on the process -- Afghanistan being one example -- so as to make sure material that might embarrass it is blacked out.
If the news media, which appear to be increasingly cowed by Mr. Harper, want to ask the PM questions, they must get on a preapproved list. Journalists got an early sense of what was coming when Mr. Harper tried to ban them from covering ceremonies for soldiers killed in Afghanistan. Many government MPs are afraid to be seen with reporters less they face reprisals.
The march of democracy in this country is intriguing. Mr. Chrétien took a protester by the throat. This PM, who came out of the populist Reform Party movement, has practically the entire government by the throat.
It is fascinating, if not chilling to see his shrewd acts unfold. There are many who think his strategy, a sort of reverse glasnost, is succeeding. There are others who think that building his version of the Kremlin in Ottawa is not what the people had mind.