The BBC's David Loyn recently did a story on his travels with the Taliban in Afghanistan's Helmand province. He did an online Q-and-A with readers.

An excerpt:

Q: In the UK, the Taleban are depicted as a harsh oppressive regime which ruled by fear. You associate closely with them. What are your feelings about them?
Raymond Mcalpine, Gravesend, UK

I am not sure about the word 'associate', which seems to imply approval, but if it means that I have spent a fair amount of time with them, then yes that is true, both in the late 90s and since.

As far as their regime was concerned, it is worth remembering that it was popular in many parts of the country - particularly the Pashtun rural areas in the south, although deeply resented in the north, the west and urban areas everywhere. It was popular because it was seen as not corrupt, and brought law and order so it was possible for Afghans to travel safely around the country in ways that have not been possible before or since. Their new leadership do admit that some mistakes were made in terms of the harshness of their rule, but they have not changed their profoundly conservative religious austerity, nor their desire to impose severe restrictions on women.

Q: Where are the Taleban getting their funding from and why are they fighting the Nato forces?
Mohammed Baba Iddrisu, Ghana

Travelling with them in Helmand I was struck by how much they do have, in terms of new vehicles, ammunition, and well-maintained weapons. They claim to have recently bought 8,000 Thuraya mobile satphones. So they are not short of money. The leadership deny that they are directly funded by Pakistan, although little happens in Afghanistan that does not have some Pakistani intelligence element in it. Their money comes from sympathisers, including governments in Arab states and collections from mosques around the world, raised from people who see them as fighting a 'jihad' - a holy war.

Q: Are the Taleban motivated more by Islam or a sense of nationalism? Additionally, do they discuss their war as part of a wider conflict which includes their 'brothers' in Iraq?
James Flynn, London, UK

It is nationalism fuelled by Islam. They draw considerable strength from painting themselves as the heirs of Afghanistan's warrior traditions. Even the most uneducated foot soldier will quote the dates of the battles in the nineteenth century when they beat the British. They do not see themselves as part of a wider world ''jihad', but an Afghan solution to an Afghan problem. However there are clear tactical links. For example, they now adopt suicide bombing as a weapon. This is quite new in the Afghan context, but they have seen how it works in Iraq. ...

Q: The Taleban appear to be an indomitable force, disappearing and re-forming. Would the current government of President Karzai consider discussions with them and the possibility of a coalition or power sharing scenario?
Barry Derbyshire, Brisbane, Australia

They did disappear after 2001, and found it very hard to reform and recruit. Their re-emergence is very much as a force designed to beat foreign 'occupiers', and they express contempt for Karzai. The last real attempt to have any kind of meaningful dialogue with outsiders, remarkably enough, was in 1998, but it collapsed after an American cruise missile attack. The current leadership would not be likely to be interested in dialogue, and it is hard to see the United States agreeing to any power-sharing agreement, although there is increasing talk among analysts in the region about the possibility of Afghanistan splitting up, leaving the Pashtun south in Taleban hands.

Q: There seem to be a notable difference between al-Qaeda and the Taleban. What are the differences between the Taleban and al-Qaeda's political ideology?
Abdullah, Surrey, UK

The Taleban are very keen to point out the differences. They see al-Qaeda merely as 'guests' in their country and do not share their foreign policy or desire to export 'jihad' . But they do share the same austere iconoclastic view of the Islamic way of life.

Q: When the Taleban first started to take Afghanistan I remember reading reports of them being welcomed by cheering locals as they rid the country of the scourge of the war lords. Is there any support among the Afghan population for a return of the Taleban?
Dirk Dil, Luxembourg

There is growing support for a variety of reasons: firstly they see the Karzai government as corrupt and too keen on promoting the old warlords - I was shocked to see soldiers from the newly-formed Afghan national army taking money at gunpoint from every car that passed. This was happening on the main road linking Iran to Pakistan across the south of Afghanistan, and has powerful resonances since it was to stop corruption on this very road that the Taleban first emerged, with some popular support, in 1994. The trucking companies are paying the Taleban again to see if they can clear the road for them again. The Taleban are also winning support because of the failure of the international aid effort to make enough difference to people's lives. Civilian casualties in the worsening conflict also play into their hands.  ...

Q: Since the Taleban forces are employed fighting and killing British troops, I am at a loss to understand why the BBC feels that it is using our licence fees well by giving their propaganda oxygen? If you were killed during an attack by Nato, who would accept responsibility for your death?
Paul Jewell, Ivinghoe, Buckinghamshire

I took an assessment of the risks, well aware of the possibility you talk about. The BBC would not have blamed Nato forces for my death in these circumstances. Like Churchill I rather think jaw-jaw is better than war-war, and feel that my job as a reporter is to explain best what is going on. Indeed in a democracy I have not just a right but a duty to do this as comprehensively as possible. 'Our licence fees' did indeed support what was actually rather a cheap trip by the standards of these things (I was both the cameraman and reporter). But on a separate point, 'our taxes' are paying for 'our soldiers' to fight a difficult conflict, and I rather wanted to know what they are up against and why. Don't you, Paul? ...

Q: How significant is Pakistani assistance with regards to the return of the Taleban? Is the ISI (Pakistan's Inter Service Intelligence) still providing them with funding and logistical assistance and, if so, what can be done to pressure Pakistan to cease this assistance?
Jonathan Hall, London, UK

This is the hardest question. The Taleban deny it - strongly and vehemently. They portray themselves as Afghan nationalists and successors of a warrior tradition. The easy answer is that there is considerable 'soft' support in Pakistan, ie in allowing the madrassas - religious 'schools' to function. The Taleban are not just educated here, but go back for R&R between trips. The international border - the Durand line - was drawn up by a British colonial administrator more than a hundred years ago in a hurry - and has been blissfully ignored since. So there are a lot of men who are Pakistani nationals who fight for what they see as a Pashtun cause. Pakistan's biggest security concern is to the east - India. Of course the ISI need to know what is at their backs when they look at the threat from India. But I do not know if they are behind the new rise of the Taleban. I do know that they are not short of money. Their vehicles, communications equipment and weapons are new.